In part these books are a reclamation of my grandfathers journey from Italy to Newark in 1899. Newark has artistic roots from Armenia, Denmark, Germany, Ireland, France and beyond. Immigration is a ongoing event. The past is indeed prologue to our present and future.
Welcome to my Newark, Nevarca and the new old sod in New Jersey. Daniel P Quinn also wrote: “Exits + Entrances, 25 years off-Broadway, Opera and Beyond” (2007); Short Plays to Long Remember (TNT 2010) and “organized labor”: (Author House 2005) includes “Poems with Grit and Passion”. Mr. Quinn’s writing has also been published by Red Wheelbarrow (2015-20); Local Knowledge (2016), The Newark Library and Sensations.
“As a member of three labor unions, and I really enjoyed Daniel P Quinn’s collection of poems, Organized Labor. Mr. Quinn’s use of language and imagery paints a picture of an era that hardly exists anymore. His poems also touch on topics that we all face today in an ever-changing global society. If you like poems that are alive with truth and deep emotional observation, you will enjoy the poems of this man who sees the world in a highly unique fashion” by Davidson Garrett in his web review.
These books are for sale at Lulu.com; B+N.org; Amazon Books; or your favorite independent book store like Watchung Books in Montclair, NJ. Facebook Twitter Digg Reddit StumbleUpon del.icio.us
Newark, Italy and me (Lulu Books)in Newark Library collection, World Cat, and now on sale on the web or at your Independent Bookstore. Newark, Italy + me / Daniel P. Quinn. — Nascent Newark — The dawn of Newark’s Little Italy (1885-2018) — Presidential history in Newark — Gustav Bourglan’s Newark as prototype for Mount Rushmore — Arshile Gorky’s commission at Newark Airport — The Morris Canal became Raymond Boulevard — Quintet for Newark [poem] — A Newark reflection (1967-2017) — Alexander, Paterson, and Lyons, France [poem] — Let’s meet Paterson’s sister, Lyons, France — Cuinn banned by Victoria [poem] — Pabst beer and Hoffman soda — Metropolitan Opera star Maria Jeritza (1888-1982) was music history in Newark — Symphony Hall was originally named the Mosque Theatre — Newark in the age of Trump on Trump listening to Beethoven in Europe — Louis Bamberger and my family history (1927 to 2003) — Newark as insurance mecca (1845-2018) — Broadway “Grand Guignol” featuring Vincent Price & Edgar Allan Poe — Mies van der Rohe’s presence endures (1962-2018) in Century 21 — Newark coming back (2000-18).Newark, Italy + Me.By Daniel P QuinnView this Author’s Spotlight PreviewPrice: $24.95 Newark has many histories including G. Antonio Basso who emigrated from Italy to Newark, NJ in 1900. Antonio Basso was my Grandfather who came to America at age 14. Newark has many artistic roots including Armenia, Denmark, Germany, Ireland, France which are featured in Newark, Italy + Me. Immigration is a ongoing event. The past is indeed prologue to our present and future. Welcome to my Newark, Nevarca and the new old sod in New Jersey. Daniel P Quinn also wrote:”Exits + Entrances, 25 years off-Broadway, Opera and Beyond”; Short Plays to Long Remember (TNT) and “organized labor”.
The New York Times Your comments have been approved!danielpquinn | Newark, NJ 9/26/20 Groundhog Day thinking should not permeate Broadway and the Arts. Here at ArtsPR we have transitioned to completing my Trilogy as AMERICAN PHANTASMAGORIA (Lulu Books 2020). It is now ready for peoples minds to contemplate, perceive or enjoy. Regional Theatre’s could produce a dramatic in-house socially distanced performance or reading. Have also completed dozens of letters and newly published poems like FURIES 4 Covid-19 now in Red Wheelbarrow #13 (Lulu 2020). Lamentation will doom the theatre unless we reinvent what is possible in COVID-19 from the ground up.View your comment https://www.nytimes.com/2020/09/25/nyregion/nyc-arts-shutdown.html#commentsContainer&permid=109296269:109296269
“In these times of studied ignorance idiocy illiteracy and strutting ingnoramuses, it’s a relief to read Daniel P Quinn’s adroitly titled ‘organized labor’.
Quinn is adept at the written word as he is at the spoken word with all his theatrical ventures. Reading this collection you can almost hear the gentle strains of an operatic aria in the Italian parts and musicality is not absent in the other parts. A small book perhaps but rich in content and well worth taking on a short or long trip. “ Malachy McCourt, NYTimes Best Selling Author. Book Details Author HouseOrder (800) 839-8640 Toll Free or Press Copies or on the web or your independent book store. ISBN : 9781418403577 “organized labor” is a wonderful book. Specific and powerful. Others evoke old New York , the 1913 Paterson strike, and also issues we face today in the world since 9/11″. Davidson Garrett The New York Times w/my published blogs. danielpquinn684 | Newark, NJ. 7/1/20 The 1-10% and us. We all know this by now. Paul Krugman could propose alternative economic strategies to end this charade. Emma Goldman said: “It’s the organized violence at the top, that creates the disorganized violence at the bottom.” It is truer now more than a century ago. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/01/opinion/inequality-america-paul-krugman.html#commentsContainer&permid=107904870:107904870
Monuments essay: danielpquinn684 | Newark, NJ 6/25/20 This is a wildly complex question, BUT history must be part of all community outreach or we will learn nothing. Locally, there is a restored version of Gustav Bourglan’s Founders Monument now on the grounds of NJPAC in Newark. All the Founder’s names were wasps but they were memorialized a century ago by the dominant population of Newark at that time. There are no Irish, Italian, German, Black or Jewish founders of Newark honored in this “monument”. Old money still dominates so much of our culture. What do we do now as reparation for all immigrants and residents of Newark when they were omitted and now ?https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/24/arts/design/theodore-roosevelt-statue.html#commentsContainer&permid=107777328:107777328
Djt with vocal problems (65 minute tirades). Mitch as polio survivor. Does he not remember Jonas Salk as he saved from the scourge of Polio ? At least John Boehmer could tear up and cry. Millions of Americans now weep. Covid-19 maintains its march. Chao and Mitch power couple as they short circuit Jerome Powell and the Fed. We now have the tyranny of a minority maligning President mocking the majority with minority rule. Even Alice in Wonderland would know better than this. Demonstrations dissemble with militia violence. Revolution, devolution ? What’s next after the rearview mirror is shattered ? And the election defamed by djt ?
The editorial board is a group of opinion journalists whose views are informed by expertise, research, debate and certain longstandingvalues. It is separate from the newsroom.
Oct. 24, 2020
829
Of all the things President Trump has destroyed, the Republican Party is among the most dismaying.
“Destroyed” is perhaps too simplistic, though. It would be more precise to say that Mr. Trump accelerated his party’s demise, exposing the rot that has been eating at its core for decades and leaving it a hollowed-out shell devoid of ideas, values or integrity, committed solely to preserving its own power even at the expense of democratic norms, institutions and ideals.
Tomato, tomahto. However you characterize it, the Republican Party’s dissolution under Mr. Trump is bad for American democracy.
A healthy political system needs robust, competing parties to give citizens a choice of ideological, governing and policy visions. More specifically, center-right parties have long been crucial to the health of modern liberal democracies, according to the Harvard political scientist Daniel Ziblatt’s study of the emergence of democracy in Western Europe. Among other benefits, a strong center right can co-opt more palatable aspects of the far right, isolating and draining energy from the more radical elements that threaten to destabilize the system.
Today’s G.O.P. does not come close to serving this function. It has instead allowed itself to be co-opted and radicalized by Trumpism. Its ideology has been reduced to a slurry of paranoia, white grievance and authoritarian populism. Its governing vision is reactionary, a cross between obstructionism and owning the libs. Its policy agenda, as defined by the party platform, is whatever President Trump wants — which might not be so pathetic if Mr. Trump’s interests went beyond “Build a wall!”
“There is no philosophical underpinning for the Republican Party anymore,” the veteran strategist Reed Galen recently lamented to this board. A co-founder of the Lincoln Project, a political action committee run by current and former Republicans dedicated to defeating Mr. Trump and his enablers, Mr. Galen characterized the party as a self-serving, power-hungry gang.
With his dark gospel, the president has enthralled the Republican base, rendering other party leaders too afraid to stand up to him. But to stand with Mr. Trump requires a constant betrayal of one’s own integrity and values. This goes beyond the usual policy flip-flops — what happened to fiscal hawks anyway? — and political hypocrisy, though there have been plenty of both. Witness the scramble to fill a Supreme Court seat just weeks before Election Day by many of the same Senate Republicans who denied President Barack Obama his high court pick in 2016, claiming it would be wrong to fill a vacancy eight months out from that election.
Mr. Trump demands that his interests be placed above those of the nation. His presidency has been an extended exercise in defining deviancy down — and dragging the rest of his party down with him.
Having long preached “character” and “family values,” Republicans have given a pass to Mr. Trump’s personal degeneracy. The affairs, the hush money, the multiple accusations of assault and harassment, the gross boasts of grabbing unsuspecting women — none of it matters. White evangelicals remain especially faithful adherents, in large part because Mr. Trump has appointed around 200 judges to the federal bench.
For all their talk about revering the Constitution, Republicans have stood by, slack-jawed, in the face of the president’s assault on checks and balances. Mr. Trump has spurned the concept of congressional oversight of his office. After losing a budget fight and shutting down the government in 2018-19, he declared a phony national emergency at the southern border so he could siphon money from the Pentagon for his border wall. He put a hold on nearly $400 million in Senate-approved aid to Ukraine — a move that played a central role in his impeachment.
So much for Republicans’ Obama-era nattering about “executive overreach.”
Despite fetishizing “law and order,” Republicans have shrugged as Mr. Trump has maligned and politicized federal law enforcement, occasionally lending a hand. Impeachment offered the most searing example. Parroting the White House line that the entire process was illegitimate, the president’s enablers made clear they had his back no matter what. As Pete Wehner, who served as a speechwriter to the three previous Republican presidents, observed in The Atlantic: “Republicans, from beginning to end, sought not to ensure that justice be done or truth be revealed. Instead, they sought to ensure that Trump not be removed from office under any circumstances, defending him at all costs.”
The debasement goes beyond passive indulgence. Congressional bootlickers, channeling Mr. Trump’s rantings about the Deep State, have used their power to target those who dared to investigate him. Committee chairmen like Representative Devin Nunes and Senator Ron Johnson have conducted hearings aimed at smearing Mr. Trump’s political opponents and delegitimizing the special counsel’s Russia inquiry.
As head of the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, Mr. Johnson pushed a corruption investigation of Mr. Biden’s son Hunter that he bragged would expose the former vice president’s “unfitness for office.” Instead, he wasted taxpayer money producing an 87-page rehash of unsubstantiated claims reeking of a Russian disinformation campaign. Senator Mitt Romney of Utah, another Republican on the committee, criticized the inquiry as “a political exercise,” noting, “It’s not the legitimate role of government or Congress, or for taxpayer expense to be used in an effort to damage political opponents.”
Undeterred, last Sunday Mr. Johnson popped up on Fox News, engaging with the host over baseless rumors that the F.B.I. was investigating child pornography on a computer that allegedly had belonged to Hunter Biden. These vile claims are being peddled online by right-wing conspiracymongers, including QAnon.
Not that congressional toadies are the only offenders. A parade of administration officials — some of whom were well respected before their Trumpian tour — have stood by, or pitched in, as the president has denigrated the F.B.I., federal prosecutors, intelligence agencies and the courts. They have failed to prioritize election security because the topic makes Mr. Trump insecure about his win in 2016. They have pushed the limits of the law and human decency to advance Mr. Trump’s draconian immigration agenda.
Most horrifically, Republican leaders have stood by as the president has lied to the public about a pandemic that has already killed more than 220,000 Americans. They have watched him politicize masks, testing, the distribution of emergency equipment and pretty much everything else. Some echo his incendiary talk, fueling violence in their own communities. In the campaign’s closing weeks, as case numbers and hospitalizations climb and health officials warn of a rough winter, Mr. Trump is stepping up the attacks on his scientific advisers, deriding them as “idiots” and declaring Dr. Anthony Fauci, the government’s top expert in infectious diseases, a “disaster.” Only a smattering of Republican officials has managed even a tepid defense of Dr. Fauci. Whether out of fear, fealty or willful ignorance, these so-called leaders are complicit in this national tragedy.
As Republican lawmakers grow increasingly panicked that Mr. Trump will lose re-election — possibly damaging their fortunes as well — some are scrambling to salvage their reputations by pretending they haven’t spent the past four years letting him run amok. In an Oct. 14call with constituents, Senator Ben Sasse of Nebraska gave a blistering assessment of the president’s failures and “deficient” values, from his misogyny to his calamitous handling of the pandemic to “the way he kisses dictators’ butts.” Mr. Sasse was less clear about why, the occasional targeted criticism notwithstanding, he has enabled these deficiencies for so long.
Senator John Cornyn of Texas, locked in his own tight re-election race, recently told the local media that he, too, has disagreed with Mr. Trump on numerous issues, including deficit spending, trade policy and his raiding of the defense budget. Mr. Cornyn said he opted to keep his opposition private rather than get into a public tiff with Mr. Trump “because, as I’ve observed, those usually don’t end too well.”
Profiles in courage these are not.
Mr. Trump’s corrosive influence on his party would fill a book. It has, in fact, filledseveral, as well as a slew of articles, social media posts and op-eds, written by conservatives both heartbroken and incensed over what has become of their party.
But many of these disillusioned Republicans also acknowledge that their team has been descending into white grievance, revanchism and know-nothing populism for decades. Mr. Trump just greased the slide. “He is the logical conclusion of what the Republican Party has become in the last 50 or so years,” the longtime party strategist Stuart Stevens asserts in his new book, “It Was All a Lie.”
The scars of Mr. Trump’s presidency will linger long after he leaves office. Some Republicans believe that, if those scars run only four years deep, rather than eight, their party can be nursed back to health. Others question whether there is anything left worth saving. Mr. Stevens’s prescription: “Burn it to the ground, and start over.”
While working on my Master of Arts in Performing Arts, at The American University I worked nights and weekends ushering at The Kennedy Center. My book: Exits & Entrances (Author House) includes more details as well. At the KC I saw and heard Janet Baker, Dietrich Fischer-Dieskau, Claudio Abbado, Georg Solti, Herbert von Karajan, Mstislav Rostropovich, Deutsche Oper, Paris Opera and LaScala ! Having been weaned on by the NYCity Opera and The Met, LaScala was a revelation from the Verdi Requiem by heart. Wieland Wagner’s LOHENGRIN by the Deutsche Oper !! Verdi’s MACBETH and SIMON BOCCANEGRA in brilliant productions by Giorgio Strehler. These were contrasted by Rossini’s CENERENTOLLA with the debut of Frederica Von Stade to LA BOHEME. Dramatically I saw extraordinary work from Jane Alexander and Richard Kiley’s in Ibsen’s MASTER BUILDER and Henry James’ WASHINGTON SQUARE. This was followed by an American Bicentennial Series with Jason Robards and Zoe Caldwell in Eugene O’Neill’s LONG DAYS JOURNEY INTO NIGHT; Irene Worth and Christopher Walken in Tennesse Williams’ SWEET BIRD OF YOUTH, Stephen Sondheim’s PACIFIC OVERTURES (World Premiere) and Houston Grand opera’s landmark PORGY & BESS. Dramatic highlights included the US Premiere of unforgettable John Wood in Tom Stoppards’ TRAVESTIES; or The National Theatre production and U.S. Premiere of Harold Pinter’s NO MAN’S LAND with a dazzling John Gielgud and Ralph Richardson in spellbinding synergy from the National Theatre. These first-rate productions graced the Kennedy Center via Roger Stevens. Several came to the Brooklyn Academy of Music as well. There were awful duds via Broadway tryouts of forgettable musicals to half-empty houses. Odd revues with Lillian Gish and John Raitt way past their prime. Martha Graham chatting about her work for way too long in a semi-inebriated state before her Dance Company performed all at the Opera House. And Lynn Seymour in a dazzling solo dance honoring Isadora Duncan from the Royal Ballet. “A little mercy makes the world less cold and more just.”Pope Francis After grad school and the KC I spent a season working backstage in Milan as a guest of Claudio Abbado. A decade or so later, I was a guest for French Consulate Services as emissary to Lyons France to organize an exhibition with its sister City Paterson ! That included an a focus as part of my 5 Arts Festivals at the Paterson Museum; Paterson Library and most recently a program at the Fair Lawn Library on The French Connection between Lyon and Paterson since the 1880’s. Your comment has been approved!Thank you for sharing your thoughts with The New York Times community. danielpquinn684 | Newark, NJ Great article. There may be ecological hope for us yet. New York always leads the way. NJ just paved over most of the meadowlands unfortunately. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/14/nyregion/freshkills-garbage-dump-nyc.html#commentsContainer&permid=108643171:108643171 WE NEED YOUR SUPPORT.We have worked hard to establish partnerships at Madison Arts Center, Kearny Fair Lawn and Oradell Libraries to present Free Programs. At the William Carlos Williams Center we worked pro-bono to present AMERICAN PHANTASMAGORIA in a gripping staged reading. We did programs at The Plant via my Stage Directors Choreographers Union remain committed to a program at the Teddy Roosevelt Museum in Manhattan. We certainly acknowledge the $4,200 in support so far in 2020. COVID-19 has hurt our programming activity and we try to reinvent ArtsPR via Constant Contact that achieves communication and social distance in part with my 87 blogs published by The New York Times as above since March of 2020. Our modest but crucial support is used primarily for our EIN Press Wire account, Constant Contact, and Fractured Atlas for cyber outreach, and Media. That is why I am asking for your support in this extremely difficult time.With your generosity we can meet more operating expenses and prepareour Antonio Masini show, or our centennial program on SACCO & VANZETTI (1920-2020) or our new program on Lincoln at the Kearny Library, Madison Arts Center &Teddy Roosevelt Museum in Manhattan during 20/21Support from friends like you is our lifeline.We sent out and completed about 200 Cyber Arts pages like https://conta.cc/2yy1b4J, blogging for The New York Times or: https://conta.cc/3dvFwJy . WE WOULD BE AND REMAIN GRATEFUL FOR ALL SUPPORT AS ALWAYS.
Trump’s Philanthropy: Big Tax Write-Offs and Claims That Don’t Always Add Up
Hidden financial records cast doubt on a number of his charitable commitments and show that most of his giving came from land deals that offset his income.
Donald J. Trump in 2006 with George E. Pataki, then governor of New York. A donation of land he was abandoning helped reduce his tax bill.Credit…Librado Romero/The New York Times
In President Trump’s telling, he is a committed philanthropist with strong ties to many charities. “If you don’t give back, you’re never ever going to be fulfilled in life,” he wrote in “Trump 101: The Way to Success,” published at the height of his “Apprentice” fame.
And according to his tax records, he has given back at least $130 million since 2005, his second year as a reality TV star.
But the long-hidden tax records, obtained by The New York Times, show that Mr. Trump did not have to reach into his wallet for most of that giving. The vast bulk of his charitable tax deductions, $119.3 million worth, came from simply agreeing not to develop land — in several cases, after he had shelved development plans.
Three of the agreements involved what are known as conservation easements — a maneuver, popular among wealthy Americans, that typically allows a landowner to keep a property’s title and receive a tax deduction equal to its appraised value. In the fourth land deal, Mr. Trump donated property for a state park.
The New York attorney general is investigating whether the appraisals on two of Mr. Trump’s easement donations were improperly inflated to win larger tax breaks, according to court filings.
Mr. Trump’s pronouncements of philanthropic largess have been broadly discredited by reporting, most notably in The Washington Post, that found he had exaggerated, or simply never made, an array of claimed contributions. His own charitable foundation shut down in 2018 amid allegations of self-dealing to benefit Mr. Trump, his businesses and his campaign.
But the tax data examined by The Times lends new authority and far greater precision to those findings. The records, encompassing his reported philanthropic activity through 2017, reveal not only its exact dimensions; they show that much of his charity has come when he was under duress — facing damage to his reputation or big tax bills in years of high income.
Of the $7.5 million in business and personal cash contributions reported to the Internal Revenue Service since 2005, more than 40 percent — $3.2 million — came starting in 2015, when Mr. Trump’s philanthropy fell under scrutiny after he announced his White House bid. In 2017, his first year in office, he declared $1.9 million in cash gifts. In 2014, by contrast, he contributed $81,499.
And his first two land-easement donations were made in what the tax records show was a period of significant taxable income — 2005 and 2006, prime time for his reality TV fame.
The president’s Trump Organization biography says he is “involved with numerous civic and charitable organizations.” When he announced his campaign in 2015, he said he had given more than $102 million to charity over the previous five years.
While it is possible that he chose not to report some of his giving, his tax records for 2010 to 2014 reflect far less than he claimed — $735,238 in cash and $26.8 million in land easements and other noncash gifts. Six months into the campaign, in December 2015, another easement, valued at $21.1 million, was completed.
In response to questions from The Times, Amanda Miller, a spokeswoman for the Trump Organization, said: “President Trump gives money privately. It’s impossible to know how much he’s given over the years.”
The tax information analyzed by The Times includes annual totals for business and individual giving but lists only certain corporate donations.
The single largest cash donation he reported for his businesses, made to his own foundation, was the $400,000 he received in 2011 for being roasted on Comedy Central. In 2014, his Virginia winery contributed a glass sculpture valued at $73,600 to a small historical society in Pennsylvania. And in 2016, another one of his companies gave $30,000 to the American Hotel & Lodging Education Foundation.
Mr. Trump donated $400,000 from a Comedy Central special to his foundation, which later shut down after accusations of self-dealing.Credit…Andrew H. Walker/Getty Images
Even without the details of Mr. Trump’s individual giving, The Times was able to identify public philanthropic promises that appear either to have been exaggerated or to have never materialized. In each case, the size of his pledge exceeded what he told the I.R.S. he had given in a particular year.
In 2009, for example, he agreed to rent his Seven Springs estate in Westchester County, N.Y., to the Libyan dictator Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi, who hoped to stay in a tent on the grounds during a meeting of the United Nations General Assembly.
Though the plans fell apart when local residents objected, Colonel Qaddafi made a payment of $150,000, which Mr. Trump told CNN in 2011 that he had given to charity. His 2009 tax returns, however, reported only $22,796 in business and personal cash gifts.
In 2015, Mr. Trump promised to donate the earnings from his book “Crippled America: How to Make America Great Again.’’
“The profits of my book? I am giving them away to a lot of different — including the vets,” he said at a news conference.
A book signing for “Crippled America,” held in 2015 at Trump Tower in Manhattan. Credit…Todd Heisler/The New York Times
The tax records show that Waxman Leavell Literary Agency, which represented Mr. Trump’s book, made two payments to him in 2015 and 2016, totaling roughly $4.5 million. In those years, Mr. Trump reported giving a total of $1.3 million in cash to charity.
Many wealthy individuals create their own foundations, often as a way to have greater control over their philanthropy. While Mr. Trump’s foundation, started in 1988, gave millions to charity before shutting down in 2018, most of it was other people’s money. Mr. Trump himself donated $5.4 million to the foundation, with the last contribution in 2008, according to the organization’s tax filings.
A portion of Mr. Trump’s golf club in Bedminster, N.J., brought the first in a series of nondevelopment agreements that he wrote off as tax deductions. Credit…Seth Wenig/Associated Press
The next year, he donated 436 acres of land for a state park in Westchester and Putnam Counties in New York after development plans ran up against tough regulatory restrictions. While the precise value of the easement is not clear, he reported noncash charitable contributions of $34 million that year.
Mr. Trump had bought the property in the 1990s for $2 million, according to numerous published reports. Today it is overgrown and has few facilities or visitors.
The two most recent easement deductions are being examined by the New York attorney general, Letitia James — part of a broader investigation into whether the Trump Organization inflated the value of assets to get loans and tax benefits.
In 2014, after abandoning plans to develop an 11.5-acre property being used as a driving range at his Los Angeles golf club, Mr. Trump received a $25.1 million tax deduction for an easement agreement with a land conservancy. Few details of the inquiry into the deal have emerged.
Court papers shed more light on the other easement under investigation.
In late 2015, Mr. Trump got a $21.1 million tax break for 158.6 acres of land at the Seven Springs estate, after years of unsuccessful attempts to build a golf course on it.
The New York attorney general is investigating a donation involving Mr. Trump’s Seven Springs estate in Westchester County.Credit…Tony Cenicola/The New York Times
The attorney general’s court filing says that after Mr. Trump abandoned plans to develop Seven Springs, he asked Sheri Dillon, a tax lawyer at Morgan Lewis who had advised him in the past, to have the land appraised.
Ms. Dillon told Cushman & Wakefield, the firm that did the appraisal, that “the client blew up at her,” and she leaned on the appraisers to take steps that would push the value up, according to the court filing.
Several weeks ago, after months of delays, Mr. Trump’s son Eric gave a deposition in the case.
Washington DC: American Phantasmagoria +us(a) (Lulu 2020). danielpquinn | Newark, NJ The great horror of my life has been to watch DC grow from a lovely City to a lobbying metropolis. During grad school my bus stop was across the street from the White House. No armed police barricades. Recently I was back and was aghast at all of the office construction which are probably actually “lobbying firms” in bloom across the City. Shocked when I saw this in 2017, and thought that MONEY rules DC then and more so now. Black hole indeed. When I ushered at the Kennedy Center the Secret service was friendly and polite. Jimmy Carter was President so he can verify this even now and would share my horror. View your comment https://www.nytimes.com/2020/09/09/opinion/garrison-courtney-spies-contracts.html#commentsContainer&permid=109037613:109037613Fangs to Riches.The Rocking Chair.The Rise and Fall ofGloria V.Lulu Books(2020)byDaniel P Quinn$45- Lulu Books (2020)Design by Kevin Kramer.organized laborDaniel P. Quinn, Softcover, $13.95 (Author House) Book Exits and Entrances, 25 Years Off-Broadway, Opera and beyond.Daniel P. Quinn, Softcover at $19.99 now $15.00
The New York Times Your comments have been approved! danielpquinn | Newark, NJ 9/26/20
Fangs to Riches.The Rocking Chair.The Rise and Fall ofGloria V.Lulu Books(2020)byDaniel P Quinn$45- Lulu Books (2020)Design by Kevin Kramer.
